Assam: Immigration, Identity, and CAA

Assam: Immigration, Identity, and CAA

ARABINDA RABHA

In a world grappling with migration, demographic upheaval, and the erosion of cultural identities, Assam-a northeastern Indian state cradled by the Brahmaputra River-stands as a stark testament to the human cost of these global challenges.

Its Indigenous peoples, including the Bodo, Rabha, Mising, Karbi, Deuri, Dimasa, Ahom, Koch -Rajbangshi, etc have waged a relentless struggle to preserve their heritage amid colonial disruptions, unchecked immigration, and political betrayals. From the historic Assam Movement to recent protests against the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA), Assam’s saga reflects a broader fight for sovereignty, identity, and justice.

Assam’s cultural mosaic, woven by many .Indigenous communities The Ahom kingdom, which ruled for almost 600 years until the early 19th century, mastered the assimilation of neighboring tribes, forging a distinct regional identity. The ancient Kamrup kingdom, predating Ahom rule, further underscores Assam’s legacy of Indigenous autonomy.

These communities, bound by ancestral lands and traditions, embody the hallmarks of Indigenous identity-self-determination, cultural continuity, and territorial ties-as recognized by the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP).

The British arrival in the 1820s disrupted this equilibrium. Driven by profit, colonial administrators transformed Assam into a tea plantation hub, importing laborers from central India. Educated Bengali Hindus filled administrative roles, reshaping the socio-political landscape. By 1891, the colonial census recorded that one-fourth of Assam’s population was of migrant origin, sowing seeds of demographic tension that would define the region’s future.

The 20th century intensified these pressures. Muslim peasants from Mymensingh (now Bangladesh) settled in Assam’s fertile floodplains, Nepali farmers arrived for agriculture, and Hindu refugees poured in after the 1947 Partition. By the 1960s, Assam’s population growth outpaced India’s national average sixfold, straining resources and fueling fears among Bodos, Misings, Karbis, and others that their cultural and linguistic dominance was eroding.

The 1979 Mangaldoi by-election crystallized these anxieties. Of 36,000 registered voters, 26,000 were non-citizens, a statistic that stunned Indigenous leaders and sparked a movement. This figure underscored the existential threat of unchecked immigration to Assam’s demographic and cultural core.

The Assam Movement: A Fight for Existence

From 1979 to 1985, the Assam Movement united Indigenous communities in a historic stand against illegal immigration. Led by the All Assam Students’ Union (AASU) and the All Assam Gana Sangram Parishad (AAGSP), it bridged ethnic divides among Bodos, Misings, Karbis, and others, demanding the detection, disenfranchisement, and deportation of illegal migrants. This was a fight for survival, driven by the fear that Assam’s Indigenous identity faced erasure.

The human toll was staggering. Over 860 people-students, men, and women-lost their lives, earning the title of martyrs in Assam’s collective memory. Mass protests, economic blockades, and civil disobedience, often met with violent suppression, forced the Indian government to confront the crisis.

The movement culminated in the 1985 Assam Accord, signed between the Indian government, AASU, and AAGSP. It set March 24, 1971-aligned with the Bangladesh Liberation War-as the cut-off for identifying illegal immigrants. Those arriving before this date could regularize citizenship, while post-1971 entrants faced deportation. Clause 6 promised “constitutional, legislative, and administrative safeguards” to preserve Assamese language, culture, and heritage, raising hopes for Indigenous communities like the Karbis and Misings.

Yet, the Accord’s promise faded. Pre-1971 migrants, mostly from Bangladesh and Nepal, were legalized, but deportations stalled. The Illegal Migrants (Determination by Tribunals) Act of 1983 (IMDT Act) placed the burden of proof on the accuser, crippling deportation efforts until its 2005 repeal. For many in Assam, particularly Bodos and Dimasas, the Accord became a symbol of betrayal, failing to deliver the protections for which 860 martyrs died. Clause 6’s cultural safeguards remain largely unimplemented.

Political Power and Its Pitfalls

The Assam Movement birthed the Assam Gana Parishad (AGP), channeling the agitation’s fervor into governance. In 1985, the AGP swept state elections, with Prafulla Kumar Mahanta becoming Chief Minister at 32, embodying the aspirations of Indigenous communities. The party pledged autonomy, cultural preservation, and immigration control.

Governance proved challenging. Internal rifts, corruption allegations, and the rise of groups like the United Liberation Front of Assam (ULFA) eroded trust. The controversial “secret killings” of ULFA members’ families in the 1990s alienated supporters, tarnishing the AGP’s legacy. By the 1990s, electoral losses and factionalism weakened the party.

The CAA and a Renewed Struggle

In 2016, the AGP’s alliance with the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) under the North-East Democratic Alliance (NEDA) stirred controversy. The AGP, rooted in a secular fight against all illegal immigration, partnered with a party tied to Hindutva, unsettling its base among Bodos and Misings. Tensions erupted in 2019 with the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA), granting citizenship to non-Muslim migrants from Bangladesh, Pakistan, and Afghanistan arriving before December 31, 2014. By overriding the Assam Accord’s 1971 cut-off, the CAA reignited fears of demographic imbalance.

Protests, led by students from Indigenous communities, swept Assam, echoing the Assam Movement. Police crackdowns claimed lives, adding new martyrs to the 860 from decades prior. For groups like the Deuris and Karbis, the CAA was a betrayal, prioritizing national agendas over Assam’s demographic sensitivities.

CAA Again: AASU to protest MHA order extending deadline for foreigners

The latest notification from the Ministry of Home Affairs (MHA) stating that persecuted communities from Afghanistan, Bangladesh, and Pakistan entering India by the end of 2024 will be allowed to stay in India has caused a stir in Assam. Organisations like AASU have expressed the apprehension that this is a step towards granting citizenship through CAA to the communities mentioned by extending the earlier deadline of 2014 to 2024.

The MHA notification dated September 1 states that members of minority communities like Hindus, Sikhs, Buddhists, Jains, Parsis, and Christians from Afghanistan, Bangladesh, and Pakistan who came to India till December 31, 2024, to escape religious persecution, will be allowed to stay in the country without a passport or other travel documents.

On the other hand, the Citizenship (Amendment) Act (CAA), which came into force last year, says that members of these persecuted minorities who came to India on or before December 31, 2014, will be granted Indian citizenship.

“A person belonging to a minority community in Afghanistan, Bangladesh, and Pakistan – Hindus, Sikhs, Buddhists, Jains, Parsis, and Christians – who was compelled to seek shelter in India due to religious persecution or fear of religious persecution and entered the country on or before December 31, 2024, without valid documents, including a passport or other travel documents, or with valid documents, including a passport or other travel documents, and the validity of such documents has expired” will be exempted from the rule of possessing a valid passport and visa to stay in the country, according to the latest order issued by the Home Ministry.

However, it is nowhere mentioned in the MHA order that these persecuted communities coming to India until December 31, 2024, will be granted citizenship. Only that they will be allowed to stay in the country without valid documents.

Regarding the apprehensions of the organisations here, the Chief Minister said that the hullabaloo created over the CAA in the state has no basis. In the two years since CAA has been in force, only three persons have acquired citizenship under the Act, and the applications by nine persons are under consideration, while 18 applications have been rejected after scrutiny. He further said that the allegations by many organisations that the implementation of CAA will lead to lakhs of Hindu Bangladeshis getting citizenship has proved to be a fallacy.

The AASU leadership has, however, stated that this order by the MHA will pave the way for all Hindu Bangladeshis entering Assam until the end of 2024 to stay here. So, they want Assam to be kept out of the purview of the order. To protest against the MHA order, AASU has planned to organise protests across the state and burn copies of the order on the streets.

AASU president Utpal Sarma said, “The latest order by the MHA is even more dangerous than CAA. The order will lead to burdening Assam with illegal Hindu Bangladeshis entering the state until December 31, 2024. We were certain that the government will extend the deadline from 2014. Assam is not the dustbin for illegal foreigners. This order is totally anti-indigenous. Our stand is clear. Those entering the state after March 24, 1971, will have to go, whether they are Hindus or Muslims. We are in consultation with legal experts on the order, and we will move the court against it.”

The legal landscape surrounding Assam’s immigration crisis is increasingly complex. In 2024, India’s Supreme Court upheld Section 6A of the Citizenship Act, affirming the 1971 cut-off as constitutional, tied to Bangladesh’s formation. Yet, Indigenous groups, including Bodos and Karbis, demand an earlier 1951 cut-off to protect Assam’s demographic core.

The 2019 National Register of Citizens (NRC) excluded 1.9 million people, but errors and political pressures-particularly the BJP’s support for Bengali Hindu migrants under the CAA-have stalled progress.

In 2025, the MHA directed states to identify illegal migrants within 30 days, establishing district-level detention centers and task forces. Sarma has endorsed aggressive border “pushbacks,” with posts on X noting recent instances of Assam Police and Border Security Force (BSF) repelling Bangladeshi entrants. The Supreme Court, while condemning indefinite detentions, emphasized that India is not a “dharamshala” for foreigners, highlighting the tension between enforcement and humanitarian concerns. These measures often sidestep the complexities of migration, leaving many in legal limbo.

Economic vulnerabilities-rising inflation, unemployment, and resource competition-hit Indigenous communities hardest, particularly in rural areas where Bodos and Misings predominate. Migration-driven demographic shifts intensify competition for jobs, land, and services, straining Assam’s fragile equilibrium. The 2011 Census noted that only 48% of Assam’s population spoke Assamese, a decline attributed to migration, fueling fears of cultural erosion. Policies must prioritize Indigenous welfare while addressing humanitarian concerns.

The 860 martyrs of the Assam Movement, alongside recent CAA protest victims, embody a relentless fight for identity and justice. Their sacrifices-spanning many communities-highlight institutional failures and political expediency. The Assam Accord’s unfulfilled promises, the CAA’s divisive impact, and the NRC’s flaws underscore the urgency of meaningful action. Protests in 2025, led by AASU and groups like the Assam Jatiya Parishad (AJP), reflect ongoing resistance, with symbolic acts like burning MHA orders signaling defiance.

Assam’s path forward requires balancing immigration enforcement with humanitarian sensitivity, accurate NRC implementation, and fulfilling Clause 6 to protect Assamese culture. Digital tools must empower Indigenous voices, while policies address economic and historical grievances. Assam’s struggle mirrors global tensions-migration versus sovereignty, development versus tradition—but its unique history of sacrifice sets it apart.

Assam’s story is a testament to Indigenous resilience. From the Ahom kings to today’s Bodo and Karbi activists, its people have fought to preserve their identity against overwhelming odds. Their struggle is a clarion call: the defense of culture, the assertion of rights, and the pursuit of justice are matters of survival. As the world grapples with migration and identity, Assam’s Indigenous communities-through their sacrifices and resolve-teach a profound lesson: indifference to these issues exacts a human cost, measured not just in policy failures but in lives lost and futures imperiled.

04-09-2025

Mahabahu.com is an Online Magazine with collection of premium Assamese and English articles and posts with cultural base and modern thinking.  You can send your articles to editor@mahabahu.com / editor@mahabahoo.com (For Assamese article, Unicode font is necessary) Images from different sources.