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Home News Politics

BANGLADESH: After Dhaka’s Political Earthquake, Will Assam Feel the Tremors?

POLITICS / Opinion / Assam

by Mohan Khound
February 21, 2026
in Politics, ASSAM, News, Opinion, Religion
Reading Time: 8 mins read
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BANGLADESH: After Dhaka’s Political Earthquake, Will Assam Feel the Tremors?
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BANGLADESH : After Dhaka’s Political Earthquake, Will Assam Feel the Tremors? Migration, Memory and the Unfinished Question of Borders

BANGLADESH: After Dhaka’s Political Earthquake, Will Assam Feel the Tremors?
Tarique Rahman, Prime Minister of Bangladesh

MOHAN KHOUND

Mohan Khound
MOHAN KHOUND

The sweeping electoral victory of the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), led by Tarique Rahman, has redrawn Bangladesh’s political map. The fall of Sheikh Hasina and the exclusion of the Awami League from parliamentary politics mark the most dramatic rupture in Dhaka’s governance since the restoration of parliamentary democracy in the 1990s.

But as Bangladesh turns inward to recalibrate its institutions under the “July Charter” reform mandate, a familiar anxiety resurfaces across the border in India’s Northeast: will political transition in Dhaka trigger fresh waves of illegal immigration into Assam?

BANGLADESH: After Dhaka’s Political Earthquake, Will Assam Feel the Tremors?

For Assam, the question is not abstract. Migration from what was once East Bengal, later East Pakistan, and then Bangladesh, has shaped the state’s demography, politics and identity for more than a century. The issue ignited the Assam Agitation of 1979–1985, culminated in the Assam Accord, and continues to define debates around citizenship, the National Register of Citizens (NRC), and the Citizenship (Amendment) Act (CAA). Every political shift in Dhaka reverberates along the Brahmaputra valley.

A Political Shift, Not a State Collapse

It is important to separate rhetoric from reality. Bangladesh’s recent election, despite allegations of irregularities, was widely described as one of the most peaceful in decades. The BNP secured a two-thirds majority in parliament. The Jamaat-e-Islami emerged as the main opposition force. The National Citizen Party (NCP), born from the protest movement, entered parliament in modest numbers. A national referendum approved constitutional reforms aimed at curbing executive overreach.

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This is not a portrait of state collapse. It is a picture of political transition within a functioning state structure. Unlike 1971, when war and genocide triggered massive refugee flows into India, the current situation does not involve armed conflict or systemic displacement. Bangladesh’s economy, though under strain, remains structurally intact.

Yet Assam’s anxiety persists-not necessarily because of immediate refugee surges, but because of historical memory. Migration has rarely occurred only during dramatic crises. Economic disparities, porous borders, environmental pressures, and local patronage networks have long enabled incremental, undocumented movement.

The Border

The India–Bangladesh border stretches over 4,000 kilometers, a significant portion of it cutting through Assam’s riverine terrain. The Brahmaputra’s shifting channels create chars-temporary river islands-where demarcation and surveillance are complex. Fencing efforts, while extensive, are incomplete in river stretches.

Border management is thus a technical and political challenge. It requires coordination between New Delhi and Dhaka, but also local administrative vigilance. The fear in Assam is not necessarily of mass exodus following elections, but of opportunistic infiltration during periods of political adjustment.

BANGLADESH: After Dhaka’s Political Earthquake, Will Assam Feel the Tremors?

Will BNP Rule Change Migration Patterns?

Under Sheikh Hasina’s Awami League, India–Bangladesh relations were at their strongest in decades. Security cooperation improved, insurgent safe havens were dismantled, and intelligence-sharing deepened. Dhaka’s collaboration was instrumental in curbing militant networks that once destabilized Assam.

The BNP historically adopted a more nationalist posture toward India, though Tarique Rahman has signaled pragmatic diplomacy in his post-election messaging. If the new government sustains security cooperation and prioritizes economic stability, cross-border movement is unlikely to spike dramatically.

However, political realignments can alter administrative priorities. If domestic polarization in Bangladesh intensifies, or if economic reforms under the July Charter face turbulence, localized instability could encourage undocumented migration. Climate change adds another layer: Bangladesh remains one of the world’s most climate-vulnerable countries, and river erosion or cyclones can displace populations independent of political events.

immigration

Assam’s Internal Contradictions

The immigration debate in Assam is deeply political. Census data over decades show demographic change, particularly in districts bordering Bangladesh. Yet the narrative often collapses complex migration histories-pre-Partition settlement, post-1971 refugees, economic migrants, and internal displacement-into a single category of “illegal infiltration.”

After the updating of the NRC in Assam, nearly two million residents were excluded, though legal processes continue. The CAA introduced further complexity by offering citizenship pathways to certain non-Muslim migrants from neighboring countries, including Bangladesh, a move that triggered protests across Assam and the wider Northeast.

In this context, any political development in Dhaka is quickly interpreted through a lens of suspicion. The BNP’s victory may be framed by some in Assam as increasing risk, especially given Jamaat’s parliamentary resurgence. Others argue that economic stability in Bangladesh is the most effective deterrent to migration.

Tarique Rahman 1
Tarique in a rally

Economics Over Ideology

Migration is rarely ideological; it is economic. Bangladesh’s garment industry, remittance flows, and infrastructure expansion over the past decade reduced outward economic migration pressures. If the new government maintains growth and investor confidence, the push factors for migration could remain contained.

Conversely, economic downturn-high inflation, job losses, currency instability-could quietly increase undocumented movement across a porous frontier. Assam’s economy, itself struggling with unemployment and limited industrial diversification, becomes both a perceived opportunity and a political flashpoint.

The Geopolitical Dimension

Relations between New Delhi and Dhaka will be crucial. India’s refusal to extradite Sheikh Hasina following her conviction has strained ties. Yet both sides have strong incentives to avoid security breakdowns. Trade, connectivity projects, and energy cooperation bind the two economies.

A deterioration in diplomatic relations could weaken coordinated border management. Conversely, pragmatic engagement between Tarique Rahman’s administration and Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi could stabilize the frontier and ease anxieties in Assam.

Tarique Rahman 4

[Tarique Rahman and his family members with meeting with the chief adviser Muhammad Yunus at the State Guest House Jamuna, January 2026. From left to right: Zaima Rahman, Zubaida Rahman, Tarique, Yunus, and Deena Yunus]

Beyond Fear Politics

Assam’s political discourse has long been shaped by demographic anxiety. But an effective response to illegal immigration requires more than rhetoric. It demands robust border infrastructure, transparent citizenship procedures, economic development within Assam, and sustained diplomatic engagement with Bangladesh.

It also requires acknowledging the region’s layered history. Migration into Assam predates the creation of Bangladesh. Colonial-era labor policies, Partition upheavals, and post-1971 movements all contributed to today’s demographic mosaic. Simplistic narratives obscure these complexities.

Assam Movement

A Moment for Measured Vigilance

There is no immediate evidence of large-scale migration following Bangladesh’s election. The transition in Dhaka appears institutional rather than chaotic. But vigilance is not paranoia; it is prudent governance. Assam’s authorities, alongside India’s central government, must monitor border flows, strengthen documentation systems, and engage Dhaka constructively.

For Bangladesh’s new leadership, maintaining economic stability and cooperative security ties with India is equally critical. Political legitimacy at home will be reinforced, not weakened, by regional stability.

The story unfolding after Bangladesh’s electoral earthquake is not yet about migration waves. It is about whether political transformation there produces stability or strain. For Assam, the border is both a line on the map and a fault line of memory. The tremors of Dhaka’s politics may be felt-but whether they become seismic depends on choices made on both sides of the frontier.

In the end, the immigration question cannot be separated from governance quality in Bangladesh, development priorities in Assam, and diplomatic maturity between New Delhi and Dhaka. Fear alone cannot secure a border. Only institutions, cooperation, and economic resilience can.

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