East Assam – West Assam : Moran and Koch Rajbongshi Communities are Protesting Simultaneously for ST Status

East Assam – West Assam & One Demand: Moran and Koch Rajbongshi Communities are Protesting Simultaneously for ST Status

NILIM KASHYAP BARTHAKUR

The Moran community, one of the oldest indigenous groups of Assam, holds a significant place in the history. Before the advent of the Ahom kingdom in the 13th century, the Morans had their own independent chiefdom, led by Chief Bodousa. Their historical presence and unique customs, which are a mix of their original Tibeto-Burman traditions and later Vaishnavism, are a testament to their distinct cultural identity.

The current protests, led by the All Moran Students’ Union (AMSU), are not an isolated event but a continuation of a struggle that has been simmering for decades.

The Morans argue that they have been historically and socio-economically disadvantaged, and without ST status, their community risks being absorbed and losing its distinct heritage. They point to the fact that their autonomous council, established in 2020, lacks the constitutional teeth of a Sixth Schedule body, which would grant them greater control over their land, resources, and governance.

The recent torchlight rallies in Tinsukia, which saw over 10,000 participants, are a clear message to the government. AMSU leaders have expressed a sense of betrayal, reminding the ruling party of its 2014 election promise to grant ST status to six communities, including the Morans, within 100 days of coming to power.

A decade later, that promise remains unfulfilled. The protesters have issued a stern ultimatum, threatening an indefinite economic blockade if their demands are not met. The timing of their agitation, just ahead of a high-profile visit by the Prime Minister, is a strategic move to force the issue onto the national stage and demand concrete action instead of what they perceive as empty political rhetoric.

On the other hand, the Koch Rajbongshi community, which historically ruled the powerful Kamatapur kingdom, has a similar history of demanding recognition. The term “Rajbongshi,” meaning “of royal lineage,” was adopted by the community in the late 19th century to assert their Kshatriya identity and distance themselves from a more tribal past. Today, they are spread across Assam, North Bengal, Bihar, and parts of Bangladesh and Nepal, but their identity and cultural aspirations remain tied to the demand for a separate Kamatapur state and ST status.

The protests by the All Koch-Rajbongshi Students’ Union (AKRSU) have been particularly tense. A recent torchlight rally in Dhubri district, demanding ST status and a separate state, was met with a police lathi-charge, resulting in injuries to over 50 protesters. The incident has drawn widespread condemnation and has fueled the community’s resolve. The police action, which led to the suspension of two officers, has been seen as an attempt to suppress a peaceful democratic movement and has only served to galvanize the protesters.

The Koch Rajbongshis’ demand for ST status is a complex one. They were briefly granted the status through an ordinance in 1996, but it was withdrawn after it faced fierce opposition from existing ST communities who feared that the numerically larger Koch Rajbongshi community would take a disproportionately large share of reservation benefits in education and employment.

The Registrar General of India has also, on multiple occasions, rejected their demand, citing their socio-economic advancement compared to existing ST groups. However, the Koch Rajbongshis maintain that a large section of their community, particularly in rural areas, faces poverty and a lack of access to education and employment, making ST status a necessity for their upliftment.

The protests by the Moran and Koch Rajbongshi communities highlight a significant and sensitive issue in Assam’s ethnic landscape. The government is caught between the long-standing demands of these communities and the opposition from existing ST groups. The situation is a delicate balancing act, as granting ST status to one community could trigger protests from others.

The political dimension of these movements is also significant. With state and general elections on the horizon, these communities are using their collective strength to pressure political parties into fulfilling their promises. The leaders of both the Moran and Koch Rajbongshi movements have made it clear that their communities will not be treated as mere vote banks and will hold those in power accountable for their unfulfilled commitments.

The protests are a powerful reminder of the importance of addressing the aspirations of indigenous communities. The demands for ST status and greater autonomy are not just about reservation benefits; they are about preserving identity, culture, and a way of life that is under threat from modern socio-economic forces. The outcome of these protests will not only determine the future of these communities but also set a precedent for how the government handles the complex and sensitive issue of ethnic and tribal recognition in a diverse state like Assam.

The proponents of granting ST status to the six communities argue that it is a matter of historical justice. They believe that these communities, despite their cultural and historical significance, have faced socio-economic backwardness and deserve constitutional protection. They point to the fact that their unique traditions and languages are at risk of being lost without such safeguards. From this perspective, the government’s delay is seen as a political tactic, as it benefits from keeping these communities in a state of political uncertainty.

A major roadblock to granting ST status is the opposition from existing Scheduled Tribes in Assam. They fear that the inclusion of large, numerically significant communities like the Morans and Koch Rajbongshis would dilute their own reservation benefits in education, employment, and political representation. They are concerned that their share of resources and power would shrink, and they would be sidelined by the new entrants. This fear is a major reason why the government has been reluctant to move forward, as it risks alienating a powerful and politically active segment of the population.

The government is caught in a tight spot. On one hand, it has made a clear political promise to these communities. On the other, it faces stiff opposition and potential social unrest from existing ST groups. The government’s delay could be seen as a calculated attempt to avoid a political fallout. It may also be a reflection of the bureaucratic complexities involved in the process, which requires detailed reports and approval from various bodies, including the Registrar General of India and the National Commission for Scheduled Tribes. The government’s current action of ordering an inquiry and sending ministers to the field suggests a strategy of damage control, but it does not address the core demand.

Many political analysts and academics believe that the situation requires a balanced and well-thought-out solution. They suggest that a special category or a unique form of constitutional protection could be created to address the grievances of the demanding communities without infringing on the rights of existing ST groups. They argue that a long-term solution must go beyond political promises and focus on creating a framework that promotes the upliftment of all marginalized communities while maintaining social harmony in the state.

Images: From social media

12-09-2025

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