Putin visits India: Moscow seeks lifeline beyond the West

Olha Konsevych
Russian President Vladimir Putin’s visit to New Delhi this week is more than a diplomatic stopover. It is his first trip to India since the full-scale Russian invasion of Ukraine in 2022, and the Kremlin is treating it as proof that Moscow is not as isolated as Western governments argue.
According to reporting by Reuters, Putin arrives in India specifically to “boost energy and defence exports,” with Russian officials framing the visit as an attempt to stabilise trade flows and reassure New Delhi that cooperation remains viable despite the war.
Russia’s expectations
For Moscow, the agenda is straightforward. It wants long-term oil commitments, expanded defence sales and a financial architecture that bypasses Western-controlled systems. Russian officials have indicated interest in new formats of rupee–ruble settlements and alternative banking channels – proposals that Indian media have discussed for years, but which now carry greater urgency amid tightening financial restrictions.
Ukrainian political scientist and international relations expert Stanislav Zhelihovskyi explained to Mahabahu that Russia is using this moment to rebuild a strategic axis with Asian powers. As he notes, “modern global politics operates on a very simple principle: every country pursues its own interests, and India is no exception. It is a rapidly developing state with enormous demographic and economic potential.” At the same time, his observation underscores why Russia is pushing so aggressively to secure India as a cornerstone of its non-Western partnerships.
As Reuters reminds, Moscow is using the 23rd India-Russia Annual Summit to “restore energy and defence ties”. In 2018, India signed a multi-billion-dollar deal for five S-400 regiments despite repeated U.S. warnings that the purchase could trigger sanctions under the Countering America’s Adversaries Through Sanctions Act (CAATSA). American lawmakers warned that India was “not receiving a blank cheque,” and Washington later sanctioned Turkey for acquiring the same system.
According to an analysis by Defense Express, India has already begun operating the S-400 system and is still awaiting two additional units that Russia has not yet delivered. This delay complicates New Delhi’s position: it now must justify further S-400 purchases – including hundreds of new missiles – at a time when Moscow is struggling to meet its existing commitments.
Analytics emphasised that Russia is gradually losing its once-dominant position on India’s defence market. Nowhere is this more visible than in the fighter aircraft segment. New Delhi has shifted decisively toward French Rafale jets and has expanded cooperation with France’s Safran to co-develop a next-generation, fifth-generation fighter. This shift reflects India’s desire for more sophisticated technology, predictable delivery timelines and strategic diversification away from overreliance on Russian systems.
Russia, China and India: is a new bloc emerging?
Putin recently said that Moscow intends to take its partnerships with China and India “to a new level”. But what happens if Russia drifts fully into China’s orbit? Would New Delhi lose one of its few remaining levers in the region?
“India increasingly wants to position itself as an alternative to China across multiple dimensions. It is looking for spaces on the global stage where it can advance its economic and geopolitical interests. As a major country of the Global South, India is becoming a reference point for many other states in that group – much like China. And in this space, too, the two countries are engaged in a growing rivalry,” Stanislav Zhelihovskyi explained.

If Putin secures new commitments from India – whether for oil, air defence missiles or next-generation systems – Russia will gain critical revenue and industrial stability at a moment of severe strain.
For India long-term risks are significant. Larger Russian deals could complicate relations with Washington and Brussels, limit access to advanced Western technology and cast doubt on India’s ambition to lead a new coalition of global democracies.
A Ukrainian expert emphasises that India understands this tension. “India balances because it must,” – he explains. – “But at some point, every major power faces a moment when it must define its strategic trajectory more clearly. India is approaching that moment.”
Ukraine in the background

Ukraine is not the official centrepiece of Putin’s visit, yet it shapes the visit’s political backdrop. For example, India participated in the 2024 Global Peace Summit in Switzerland.
In the days leading up to Putin’s visit to New Delhi, Western envoys from the UK, France and Germany published a joint op-ed condemning Russia’s war in Ukraine – a move that triggered sharp reaction from New Delhi.
The article accused Moscow of avoiding meaningful peace talks and of continuing ruthless attacks on Ukrainian cities, calling on global partners to increase support for Kyiv.
Indian officials responded quickly, calling the timing of the op-ed “very unusual,” describing it as an inappropriate interference in India’s independent foreign policy.
In short: India’s choices in the coming days will speak not only about its own international posture, but about the broader contours of post-2022 global realignment – and about how hard it really is to remain “non-aligned” in a world ruled by conflict and pressure from all sides.

Olha Konsevych: Journalist, researcher | Vital Voices | GMF | WZB Berlin | Max Planck Society alumna || Mahabahu Correspondent
04-12-2025
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