THE INWARD MIGRATION OF THE RABHAS INTO THE BRAHMAPUTRA AND THE TEESTA VALLEYS

THE INWARD MIGRATION OF THE RABHAS INTO THE BRAHMAPUTRA AND THE TEESTA VALLEYS: A GEOGRAPHICAL STANDPOINT

Dr Abhijit Rabha

Introduction: Without the geographical foundation, history lapses into deep confusion, obscurity and thus, facts start getting cloaked in mythical terms.

The Brahmaputra and the Teesta Valleys have been the targets for the various waves of migration via Tibet Himalayas and the Patkai Ranges.

The migration from the valley of the Ruili or Nam Mao of the Shans in the 13^th and the 14^th centuries AD took the route connecting the Pang Sau through the Hukawng Valley. The other two ‘swarms’ following this set up the Siam or Thailand and shaped the Arakanese society.

The migrations of the Tibeto-Burman communities, including that of the Rabhas into the valleys of the Brahmaputra and the Teesta Valleys have not been studied in detail in the lines of various aspects of geography: physical , human, sociological and that of geopolitics prevailing at that time.

Migrations of human communities from one landscape to another radically different or similar ones need many answers to queries generated from aspects of geographical studies.

Fortunately for this article, certain geographical connectivity could be established. The starting point from the southern Tibet to the north bank of the Brahmaputra where a prosperous civilization thrived, could be located and the routes are presented here through maps.

The outward migrations, to explain the Push and Pull factors, the temporal set-up, the exact paths and the motivations of the ethnic groups need to be answered through historical investigations in a convincing manner. The resources need not be the only causative factors. The Brahmaputra Valley had a civilization without doubt, though focus has been on it by the mainstream Indian historians.

Prior to the arrival of the Shans, who were later known as the Ahoms in the Brahmaputra Valley, we find several distinct communities adapting and residing therein. Mention maybe made of the Dimasas, a community belonging to the Tibeto-Burman group with its capital geographically located at Dimapur; are found to be in a large geographical sprawl. Their territory is found to be on the western side of the Di-Khow river spreading northwards to the banks of the Brahmaputra river.

The southern limit appears to be the hilly terrain, a haven of the various Naga communities. The other contemporary communities appear to be that of the Chutiya and the Barahi’s in the upper Assam tract. However, the names of certain rivers like the Dehing, Debang, Disoi point out the north easterly sprawl of the Dimasa civilization to the foothills of present day Arunachal Pradesh.

The prefix Di, unambiguously, connotes Water or River in the Dimasa language, which probably had its own alphabet as found at the Badarpur Gate by the river Barak. The prefix ‘Nam’ has distinct and unmistakable Shan/Tai influence meaning Water or River.

As for example Nampong, Nam-sai, Nam Dapha and so on. As the Ahom kingdom consolidated its position and spread westwards during the reign of Swargadeo Sou-houng Moung, the Dimasas gradually lost their ground and by the 1600’s they were internally displaced to the North Cachar’sMaibang/Mahur valleys. Thereupon the kingdom, till its dissolution, stayed at Cachar.

This is illustrative of how continual shifting due to displacement under political compulsion influence takes place. It is difficult to place the beginning of the Dimasa civilization in the Dhansiri/Brahmaputra continuum. If they were an inward migrant community of an earlier time, then their geographical location suggests the use of the routes connecting the eastern Tibet.

There is a major route through the Lohit Valley to the Eastern Tibet via Rima that touches the business and trade center at Sadiya in the plains of Assam. The other routes connects upper and middle Burma (now, Myanmar) eventually leading to Kunming of Yunnan province.

Therefore, this area is very much of a strategic importance for the inward migration of many communities, viz. Shan (ahom), Tai groups, Singphos as well as the Lisu. The last one arrived sometime in the 1930’s in the Changlang area in the valley of Nam-da-pha. The routes to Burma and China from this strategic location are listed as follows:-

From Sadiya through the Bisa Pass to Hukawng Valley, Mookong market on a navigable branch of the Ae Ra Waddy called the Nam-Yang. This was the Burmese invasion route to Assam in 1817.
The route leading from Kibithoo along the river Dichu in the Upper Lohit Valley to the Ae-Ra-Waddy basin in the northern Burma.
Along river Ghalum to Pu-Tao (Fort Hertz) in north Burma.
A path along the Lati River leading to Burma from the Lohit Valley.
From Kambang Valley to ChangkhariDakhru; wherefrom a route leads along course of the rivers Lam and Twang.
By far, the most frequented was the Chaukang route through the Chowkham Pass by the traders of Lohiit and Dibang Valleys to Burma
Another route in the Burma segment was south east of Hookang (Hukawng) valley reaching Chinese district of Kakyo-Wainmo.
Another route of importance connected the Dau valley to the upper Lohit Valley along the river Tho Chu right from its source upto the neighbourhood of Kibithoo.

These routes, enumerated above, gave rise to a vibrant cross border, cross cultural trade and business opportunities. The Khamptis and the Singphos of Lohit traded Ivory, Elephants and opium. Though the trading involved barter system, the Chinese exchanged goods for bullion. The medicinal herb called the Coptisteeta(Mishmi teeta), Tiger skins were exchanged for gold dust by the ChulikataMishmis of the Upper Dibang with the Tibetans.

The purpose of mentioning the routes above is based on the location where the various communities settled down for over a quite a long period. The Dimasas, therefore, appear to have used these north eastern routes through the eastern Tibet . Possibilities, that cannot be denied is their utilization of the trans Patkoi range routes through Burma. The considerable passage of time is also required till a final destination is found. Siu-Ka-Pha, the first Swargadeo of the Ahom Kingdom, was said to have taken more than thirty five to thirty years span of time from the banks of Nam-Mao of Moong Mao to his final resting place at Chorei Deo.

Coming to the Rabha community, once upon a time given to the Matrilineal societal nature, an important picture emerges. The point of geographical location of their early settlements in Darrang, Kamrup (north bank) and Jalapaiguri evokes some interesting fact. Though the exact temporal coordinate could not be located, therefore, we fall back to certain so called mythological aspects.

It is better that we call the source of information as an alternative history. It is found that, in the pathway of alterative history, the first settlement of the community was in Darrang landscape, having migrated southwards from a hilly or mountainous landscapes.

There was a bustling trade, commerce and religious traffic from the southern Tibet via Tawang. The latter was under the plenipotentiary of the Dalai Lama of Tibet.

A month’s march or so led a traverller from Lhasa, the Tibetan capital to the bustling market of Tsona Dzong (rTso-na Dzong). From here, the route touches Tawang, over the Se-La, Trashigang, eventually leading to the place named Bhariabkunda via Amaratal.

After the Anglo-Bhutan (Dooar War) of 1864-65, one Major MacGregor surveyed this path. It took about a month to traverse the route. (See Map ‘A’ below). It was the busiest and most popular route of travelling and trading. Even the influence of the Tibetan Buddhism spread through this pathway.

In the above indication, the mountain passes ( La in Tibetan) to the south of Tibet and the Duar or Las Sgo of Bhutan are involved. In the last instant, the Duar involved is the KoriaPar Duar.

However, this Duar was under the Monpa rulers. Monpa is a Tibetan omnibus word connoting ‘the lowland people’. Their territories were called the Monyul. Monyul served as an important and strategic corridor, which is evident even today with the Chinese across the LAC.

There is another important Yak grazing trail used by the Brok-pa graziers who trade in cheese at Bomdi-La. This is better known as the Bailey’s Trail, an alternative that the Chinese PLA utilized to outmaneuver the Indian Army in the Sino-Indian War of 1962.

The foothills of Bhutan, about a rectangular area spanning more than 10,000 km²accommodated eighteen numbers of Dooars or LhasSgo. In the pre colonial times, 11 duars were in Bengal and 7Duars were in Ahom held area.

The Bengal Duars were of considerable importance for Sikkim and Cooch-Behar. In fact Kamrup, Cooch-Behar and Sikkim were ancient trade partners with Tibetan export import.

This pathway, through Bhutan, used again, the pathways passes and duars with intervening long mountain trails. After crossing the Dokh-la, Chumbi Valley or say the Passes of Nathu-La, Jelep La, the Tibetan caravans mostly on horse-back, ponies, mules and Yaks, arrived at Gangtok by the old Lhasa Road and eventually reached either Darjeeling or Kalimpong.

From Sikkim’s easily traversed passes, which give access to the Chumbi valley, the comparatively low (15,200 ft) and gently graded approaches of the Nathula (Nathu la Pass) lead directly to the core region of Tibet around Lhasa.

The country occupies a commanding position over the historic Kalimpong-Lhasa trade route. Alongside the fabled Nathu-la (Gnatui) and the Jelep-la passes, there exist more than twelve other passes (such as Lachen, Lachung, Cho-la, Donk-la, Yak-la, Thanka-la, and others) that connect Sikkim with Tibet.

Then the plains of Coochbehar would be in sight the Duars of Dalimkote, Chamurchee and so on.Tashigang-Lhasa route was meant for Assam-bound traffic whereas the Paro-Lhasa route carried Tibetan traffic that were destined to Bengal.

The internal displacement of the Rabhas from Darrang-Kamrup.

The time period of settlement of Rabhas via the Dewangiri and the Doimara-Bhairabkunda routes linking southern Tibet in Darrang and nearby Kamrup on the north bank of the Bullungbhuttur is difficult to assess. The Hajo Route was opened around the 7^th Century AD. So, the users of this route must be around that period of time.

The question we face in the context of the folklore about the King Banasura and his times when his Son/ General Dodan was around. And if Banasura was the only one during the mythical war between Krsna and Mahadeva, we have to consider the post Mahabharata period when Krsna was still said to be alive.

Mahabharata was dated with astronomical calculation using the positioning of a certain star by various authorities. The calculation leading to the year 3132 B.C. ( 5157 BCE) is more convincing and fits well; says the authority like Kak. Krsna was alive 35 years after the epic war. After this, the Kali Yuga was supposed to be have commenced. The king Bhagadatta of Pragjyotishpur also fought and died for the Kauravas in that war.

Therefore, Banasura appears here to be a close contemporary of the times of the Mahabharata war. It would not be proper to push back the period of King Dodan, the progenitor of the Rabhas to that far a remote period. But, the period of internal displacement from Darrang to downstream of Bullungbhuttur or the Brahmaputra could have been much later, under a different ruler by the same name.

This downstream evacuation of Dodan and his band of people must have encountered some dispersals in many areas. The quickest means of dispersal and evacuation seems to be the nearby swift flowing Brahmaputra river. Either by rafts or by boats, a long column of them, the evacuees reached certain places where dispersals must have resulted a sub-population and governance at Khetri-Dimoria areas.

The main group reached by river at the mouth of the river Jinjiram to reach eventually the locality where Tikri Killalies today. Another way is to consider the worship of the serpent Goddess Manasa and the lore of Chando Sadagar of south Kamrup near Chaygaon. Some scholars claim that Beula to be actually from the Rabha community. And such claims extend to certain places in the nearby state of West Bengal.

The south Kamrup sub-population of the Rabhas is not easy to explain. Whether it was a contiguous socio-cultural landscape with south Goalpara along the valleys of north bound rivers is not certain. Or is it more likely?

The Geographical contiguity is well observed here. The Rabhas and the Khasis formed, along those 9 Khasi-KamrupDuars; an integral part of another cross cultural, cross societal bonding. Syiem of Nongkhlaw, Jirang, Mawtamur seemed to have ruled over a considerable areas well into the valley areas in a northerly direction.

Conclusion: The article briefly describes the closest possibilities of the routes used by the ancient Rabha community in various waves in two different target places: Darrang and Teesta Valley. The maps authenticate the claim of the forefathers’ lore of migration. However, the original source could not be stated or attempted to explain. This could change the perception of historical aspects of many such communities.

Dr Abhijit Rabha, Indian Forest Service (Rtd.)

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