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Home Indigenous Peoples

The Radcliffe Line and the Colonial Conspiracy: Immigration, Demographic Upheaval, and Enduring Trauma in Assam and Northeast

INDIGENOUS PEOPLES / Conspiracy / Immigration

by Anjan Sarma
June 26, 2025
in Indigenous Peoples, News, Politics, Special Report
Reading Time: 26 mins read
0
The Radcliffe Line and the Colonial Conspiracy: Immigration, Demographic Upheaval, and Enduring Trauma in Assam and Northeast
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The Radcliffe Line and the Colonial Conspiracy: Immigration, Demographic Upheaval, and Enduring Trauma in Assam and Northeast

CAA 4

ANJAN SARMA

Translated by PAHARI BARUAH
Anjan Pic 1
ANJAN SARMA

The partition of India in 1947, executed through the Radcliffe Line, was a cataclysmic act of British colonial policy that thrust Northeast India-a region historically distinct from the subcontinent’s “Hindustan”- into a vortex of migration, ethnic strife, and identity crises. Before British intervention,

Northeast , encompassing Assam, Tripura, Meghalaya, Manipur, Mizoram, Nagaland, and Arunachal Pradesh, was a vibrant mosaic of autonomous kingdoms and tribal territories, insulated by geography and culture.

The British annexation, beginning with Assam in 1826, forcibly integrated this region into their empire, exploiting its resources and eroding its sovereignty.

The Radcliffe Line, drawn with reckless haste, bisected Bengal, unleashing waves of refugees from East Bengal/East Pakistan and compelling Northeast India to bear the burdens of a partition it had no role in shaping.
The Radcliffe Line and the Colonial Conspiracy: Immigration, Demographic Upheaval, and Enduring Trauma in Assam and Northeast
Radcliffe Line and Radcliffe

The influx of Bengali Hindus, alongside displaced groups like the Chakmas, Brus, and Kukis, transformed the demographic, cultural, and political landscapes of Assam, Tripura, Meghalaya, and Nagaland, igniting tensions that persist today.

The Assam Movement (1979–1985), a grassroots uprising against “illegal immigration,” and the subsequent betrayals by the Asom Gana Parishad (AGP) and other ruling parties, further deepened the region’s wounds.

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Pre-Colonial Northeast India: A Sovereign Tapestry

Historical Autonomy and Diversity

Before British intervention, Northeast India was a constellation of independent polities, unmoored from the Mughal Empire or the broader construct of “Hindustan.” The Ahom kingdom, ruling Assam from 1228 to 1826, was a Independent Country renowned for its military prowess, repelling many Mughal invasions, notably in the Battle of Saraighat (1671).

Manipur, under the Meitei dynasty, maintained sovereignty through diplomatic alliances, while Tripura, governed by the Manikya kings, thrived as a Hindu kingdom with cultural ties to Bengal. Nagaland’s Naga tribes, organized into village republics, and Meghalaya’s Khasi and Garo communities, governed by syiemships and nokmaships, operated with customary laws.

These societies, connected to Burma, Tibet, and Bhutan via trade routes like the Ledo Road, were insulated by the Brahmaputra River, Himalayan foothills, and dense forests.

The Radcliffe Line and the Colonial Conspiracy: Immigration, Demographic Upheaval, and Enduring Trauma in Assam and Northeast

Cultural and Economic Fabric

The region’s diversity was its hallmark: over 220 languages, from Assamese to Bodo to Angami, reflected a rich linguistic tapestry. The Ahoms practiced wet-rice cultivation, supported by the paiks system, while hill tribes relied on jhum agriculture.

Festivals like Bihu (Assam), Wangala (Garo), and Hornbill (Naga) underscored cultural distinctness. Economically, Assam’s silk trade, Manipur’s pony exports, and Tripura’s bamboo crafts fostered prosperity. Unlike the subcontinent’s centralized empires, the Northeast’s fluid boundaries allowed peaceful coexistence, disrupted by colonial intervention.

Resistance to External Rule

The Northeast’s isolation fostered resilience. The Ahoms’ defiance of Mughal expansion, Manipur’s resistance to Burmese incursions, and Naga tribes’ guerrilla tactics preserved independence. Khasi and Garo rebellions against external control further exemplified this spirit, making the region a target for British expansion to secure tea, timber, and strategic borders.

Annexation and Economic Exploitation

The British East India Company’s intervention began with the Anglo-Burmese War (1824–1826), formalized by the Treaty of Yandabo (1826), ceding Assam, Manipur, Cachar, and Jaintia to British control. Tripura became a princely state, while Nagaland and Meghalaya’s hill tribes faced military campaigns. The Inner Line Regulation (1873) restricted outsider access to tribal areas, primarily to control resources.

By 1900, over 85,000 indentured laborers from central India were imported for Assam’s tea plantations, initiating demographic shifts. Bengali Hindu migrants, numbering 500,000 by 1901 (Census of India), served as colonial administrators, altering Assam’s social fabric.

Cultural and Administrative Disruption

Missionary schools, like those run by American Baptists, promoted English education, undermining local languages. Fixed boundaries clashed with tribal notions of fluid territories, sparking conflicts. The British divide-and-rule strategy-favoring certain tribes (e.g., Khasis) over others (e.g., Nagas)-sowed discord, evident in the “excluded areas” under the Government of India Act (1935).

A Colonial Betrayal

Mechanics of Division

The Radcliffe Line, drawn in 1947 by Cyril Radcliffe, was a colonial act of cartographic violence, executed in five weeks using 1931 Census data and outdated maps. The 4,096-kilometer India-Bangladesh border, with its riverine terrain, was inherently porous. Announced on August 17, 1947, the Radcliffe Award split villages like Berubari, leaving communities stranded.

The Radcliffe Line and the Colonial Conspiracy: Immigration, Demographic Upheaval, and Enduring Trauma in Assam and Northeast

Specific Impacts on Northeast India

The allocation of Sylhet to East Pakistan after a 1947 referendum displaced 100,000 Bengali Hindus to Assam’s Barak Valley. The Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT), with an 80% non-Muslim population, were awarded to East Pakistan, triggering Chakma migrations. X posts (@SylhetMemories, 2025) recount “families torn apart by a line on a map.” The Radcliffe Line forced Northeast India, alien to the subcontinent’s religious politics, to absorb partition’s fallout.

Scale of Immigration to Northeast India

Immediate Post-Partition Migration (1947–1951)

Partition triggered 14.5 million cross-border movements, with 3.5 million Hindus fleeing East Bengal, compared to 0.7 million Muslims moving to East Pakistan. The 1951 Census recorded 2.523 million refugees, with 2.061 million in West Bengal and 274,000 Hindu families in Assam. Tripura’s population grew by 30% (639,000 to 820,000), Meghalaya saw inflows into Shillong, and Nagaland absorbed smaller Bengali Hindu groups. The 1946 Noakhali riots (5,000 killed) and 1950 Barisal riots drove this exodus.

Bangladesh Liberation War (1971)

The 1971 war saw 10 million refugees flee East Pakistan, with 7.235 million in West Bengal and 6 million in Assam (Refugee Relief Department, 1971). Tripura’s population doubled to 2.9 million, with 1.4 million refugees. Meghalaya and Nagaland saw smaller inflows, with 200,000 and 50,000 refugees, respectively. X posts (@TripuraTales, 2025) describe “children clutching their mothers’ saris” while fleeing. After Bangladesh’s independence, 1.5 million refugees stayed, citing ongoing violence (e.g., 1974 riots).

Post-1971 Migration

Economic disparity ($2,800 vs. $3,400 per capita income, World Bank 2024), political unrest, and floods (700,000 displaced annually, UNHCR 2024) drove migration. Abul Barkat estimated 11.3 million Bangladeshi Hindus migrated to India (1964–2013), with 5 million in Assam by 2001. The 2011 Census reported 14.9 million migrants in Northeast India (33% of the population), with 42% from Bangladesh.

Migration of Specific Communities

Chakma and Hajong Refugees

The Radcliffe Line’s allocation of the CHT displaced 100,000 Chakmas and Hajongs, worsened by the 1962 Kaptai Dam (655 square kilometers submerged). By 1964, 65,000 settled in Arunachal Pradesh and 35,000 in Mizoram, with 5,000 in Nagaland. X posts (@ChakmaRights, 2025) highlight their statelessness: “No papers, no future.”

Bru (Reang) Migration

Ethnic violence in Mizoram (1997) displaced 34,000 Brus to Tripura’s relief camps. A 2020 agreement resettled them, but X posts (@BruVoices, 2024) describe “lives in limbo.”

The Radcliffe Line and the Colonial Conspiracy: Immigration, Demographic Upheaval, and Enduring Trauma in Assam and Northeast

Kuki Migration in Manipur

The Kuki community faced significant displacement during the violent clashes between the Kuki and Naga ethnic groups that erupted in the 1990s. As a result of the ongoing conflict, approximately 10,000 Kuki individuals were forced to relocate to the neighboring state of Assam in search of safety and stability. This mass exodus was marked by profound loss and trauma, as families were separated and their homes destroyed.

In a poignant account shared on social media platform X by the handle @ManipurStruggles in 2025, the harsh realities of these events were vividly highlighted. The post detailed the devastation experienced by the Kuki people, with descriptions of villages being burned to the ground and families being scattered across different regions.

This narrative underscores the long-lasting impact of the clashes, illustrating not only the immediate consequences of violence and displacement but also the deep scars left on the community’s social fabric and cultural identity. The Kuki-Naga conflict serves as a stark reminder of the complexities and challenges faced by ethnic groups in conflict-affected regions, as they navigate issues of safety, identity, and belonging in the aftermath of violence.

Demographic Changes in Assam

assam movement
Dr. Bhupen Hazarika in the Assam Movement

Population Growth and Linguistic Shifts

Assam, a state located in northeastern India, has experienced significant population growth over the decades, with its population increasing from approximately 8 million in 1951 to around 31.2 million by the year 2011.

This remarkable growth can largely be attributed to migration, which has been a major factor contributing to the demographic changes in the region. In fact, it is estimated that around 60% of the population increase during this period was driven by migrants, highlighting the impact of both internal and external migration on Assam’s demographic landscape.

One particularly notable aspect of this demographic shift is the transformation of the Barak Valley into a predominantly Bengali-speaking region. According to the Census of 2011, around 80% of the population in Cachar district, which is part of the Barak Valley, identified Bengali as their primary language. This shift reflects not only the influx of Bengali migrants but also the cultural and linguistic changes that have taken place in the region over the years.

In contrast, the proportion of Assamese speakers in Assam has seen a decline during this same period. From 1951 to 2011, the percentage of individuals who identified Assamese as their first language dropped from 57% to 48%. This decrease underscores the challenges faced by the indigenous Assamese-speaking population in maintaining their linguistic and cultural identity amid the growing influence of migrant communities and their languages.

Overall, the demographic trends in Assam reveal a complex interplay of migration, language, and cultural identity, with significant implications for the social fabric of the state. As the population continues to evolve, understanding these dynamics will be crucial for addressing the needs and concerns of all communities within Assam.

AASU

Religious Dynamics

The demographic landscape of the region has undergone significant changes over the decades, particularly in the context of religious identity. According to data from the 1951 census, Hindus constituted a substantial 72% of the population. However, by the 2011 census, this figure had decreased to 61.5%.

This decline in the Hindu population percentage corresponds with a notable increase in the Muslim population, which rose to 34.2% during the same period. This shift has been attributed largely to the inflow of Bengali Muslims into the region, a trend that has sparked considerable concern among some segments of the population.

On social media platforms like X (formerly Twitter), accounts such as @AssamIdentity have expressed anxiety regarding what they perceive as a threat of “cultural erasure.” These posts reflect a growing sentiment among certain groups who fear that the influx of Bengali Muslims may dilute or undermine the cultural and ethnic identity of the region’s indigenous communities.

The discussions around these demographic shifts highlight broader issues of identity, migration, and the complexities of coexistence in a diverse society. As the region continues to evolve, these concerns will likely remain at the forefront of public discourse, influencing political, social, and cultural dynamics.

Assam accord
Assam Accord

The Assam Movement: A Struggle Betrayed

Genesis and Mobilization (1979–1985)

The Assam Movement, led by the All Assam Students Union (AASU) and All Assam Gana Sangram Parishad (AAGSP), was a six-year uprising against “illegal immigration” from Bangladesh, sparked by fears of demographic swamping.

Triggered by the 1978 Mangaldoi by-election, where voter rolls revealed a surge in suspected illegal migrants, the movement mobilized millions, demanding the detection, deletion, and deportation of “foreigners.” Protests, strikes, and blockades disrupted Assam, with AASU rallying students, farmers, and indigenous groups.

The Assam Accord (1985)

The Assam Accord, signed on August 15, 1985, represented a significant milestone in the political landscape of Assam, a state in northeastern India, and was a culmination of prolonged agitation and unrest over the issue of illegal immigration.

The accord was signed by representatives of the Assam Movement, which had been protesting against the influx of migrants, particularly from Bangladesh, and aimed to address the concerns of indigenous Assamese people regarding their cultural identity, economic opportunities, and political rights.

One of the key provisions of the Assam Accord was the establishment of March 25, 1971, as the cut-off date for granting Indian citizenship to migrants. This date was significant because it marked the beginning of the Bangladesh Liberation War, during which a large number of people crossed into India, particularly into Assam, fleeing violence and persecution.

Under the terms of the accord, individuals who entered Assam after this date were to be identified as illegal immigrants and subject to deportation. This provision was intended to reassure the Assamese population that their demographic and cultural integrity would be preserved.

In addition to the citizenship provisions, the Assam Accord included promises of economic development and cultural protection for the indigenous Assamese population. The government committed to implementing various measures to boost the economy of Assam, promote employment opportunities, and invest in infrastructure and social welfare programs.

AASU1
Protest by AASU

Furthermore, the accord recognized the importance of preserving the unique cultural heritage of the Assamese people, leading to promises of support for local languages, traditions, and customs.

However, the implementation of the Assam Accord faced significant challenges and shortcomings. One of the primary obstacles was the porous nature of the borders between India and Bangladesh, which made it difficult to effectively monitor and control immigration. The movement of people across these borders continued unabated, complicating efforts to accurately identify and deport illegal migrants.

Moreover, political inaction and bureaucratic inefficiencies hindered the fulfillment of the economic and cultural promises made in the accord. Successive governments struggled to execute the developmental programs envisioned in the agreement, leading to frustration among the indigenous population.

The lack of tangible progress in addressing issues such as unemployment, educational opportunities, and cultural preservation fueled discontent and skepticism regarding the government’s commitment to the accord.

In summary, while the Assam Accord was a landmark agreement aimed at resolving longstanding tensions related to migration and identity in Assam, its effectiveness was ultimately undermined by practical challenges in implementation, ongoing political inertia, and the complexities of managing cross-border migration. The accord remains a critical reference point in discussions about citizenship, identity, and regional politics in Assam and India as a whole.

bjp agp
AGP became BJP’s puppets

Betrayal by AGP and Ruling Parties

The Asom Gana Parishad (AGP), a political party that emerged from the All Assam Students’ Union (AASU) movement and was notably led by prominent figures such as Prafulla Kumar Mahanta, achieved a significant victory in the 1985 state elections.

This triumph raised the hopes of many residents in Assam who were eager for the implementation of the historic Assam Accord, an agreement aimed at addressing the issues of illegal immigration and safeguarding the rights of indigenous communities. However, the AGP’s governance, which spanned two distinct periods from 1985 to 1990 and again from 1996 to 2001, was fraught with challenges that undermined its initial promise.

During its time in power, the AGP faced severe criticism due to rampant corruption, internal factionalism, and an alarming inability to effectively address the pressing issue of illegal migration. Despite the urgency of the situation, the government’s efforts to identify and deport illegal migrants fell short of expectations.

By the year 1990, only a mere 1,500 individuals were identified as “foreigners,” and the actual deportations were negligible, as documented in various Assam Government Reports. This inaction led to growing frustration among the populace, who felt that the AGP was failing to fulfill its commitments.

Following the AGP’s terms in office, Assam saw the return of successive Congress governments from 1991 to 1996 and again from 2001 to 2016. Each of these administrations, along with the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), which has been in power since 2016, continued the trend of inadequate enforcement of the Assam Accord. Critics assert that these parties prioritized maintaining their vote banks over addressing the genuine concerns of the indigenous population, further alienating those who had hoped for change.

Compounding these issues, the Illegal Migrants (Determination by Tribunals) Act of 1983, which had been a key Illegal political vote- bank related framework for the benefit of the illegal migration, was struck down by the Supreme Court in 2005. This decision was welcomed by the indigenous peoples of Assam – in broder sense the Assamese people; but the ruling parties not taking any action towards three D’s ( Detection, Deletion, Deportation) because of Vote banks and that’s the tragedy of Assam and the Indigenous Peoples of Assam!

The sentiment among the people is one of deep disillusionment, as many express the belief that the AGP has “sold our dreams for power,” a sentiment echoed by those who feel that both Congress and the BJP have followed suit in prioritizing political gain over the welfare of Assam’s indigenous communities. The ongoing struggle for justice and recognition continues, as the legacy of broken promises weighs heavily on the state’s political landscape.

Assam Movement

Lasting Impact

The movement’s failure fueled distrust in political institutions. The rise of insurgencies, like the United Liberation Front of Asom (ULFA), reflected frustration with “mainland India’s” neglect. The 2019 National Register of Citizens (NRC), excluding 1.9 million people, and the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA), favoring non-Muslim refugees, reignited protests, seen as betraying the Accord’s spirit.

Socioeconomic and Political Impacts

Economic Strain

Tea Garden 4

Colonial tea plantations in the region were significant economic ventures that employed approximately 1.5 million people by the year 1947. This large-scale employment not only shaped the local economy but also established a precedent for migration patterns in the area. As the colonial period came to an end and new geopolitical realities emerged, particularly after the partition of India in 1947, there was a substantial influx of refugees.

These refugees, often fleeing violence and instability, found themselves competing for land and resources in an already strained environment. The situation was further exacerbated by the inflows of refugees during subsequent conflicts, such as the Bangladesh Liberation War in 1971. Estimates from the United Nations indicated that the economic impact of these 1971 refugee inflows amounted to a staggering $700 million, a significant burden on the local economy and resources.

Social media posts from accounts like @AssamStruggles in 2025 highlight the dire circumstances faced by these refugees. They depict a grim reality in which many are living in makeshift shanties, struggling to obtain basic necessities, and competing fiercely for the limited resources available.

The depiction of refugees “fighting for scraps” underscores the desperation and challenges they encounter in their daily lives, illustrating the enduring legacy of migration and conflict in the region. This situation reflects not only the historical consequences of colonial practices but also the ongoing struggles faced by communities impacted by displacement and economic instability.

Tea Garden1

Impacts on Tripura

Demographic Transformation

Tripura, a historically significant region in northeastern India, was a princely state governed by the Manikya dynasty until it merged with the Indian Union in 1949. This transition marked the beginning of significant demographic changes within the state. According to the Census of India, the population of Tripura witnessed a remarkable surge from approximately 639,000 in 1951 to around 3.67 million by 2011.

One of the most notable demographic shifts occurred due to the displacement of Bengali Hindus resulting from the Radcliffe Line, which partitioned India and Pakistan in 1947. By 2011, these Bengali Hindus constituted about 60% of Tripura’s total population.

In contrast, the indigenous tribes of Tripura, including the Tripuri, Reang, and Jamatia communities, which had once made up a significant majority-approximately 70% of the population-experienced a dramatic decline in their demographic presence. By 2011, their numbers had dwindled to just 31% of the total population.

This stark reduction not only altered the cultural landscape of the region but also ignited ethnic tensions among the various communities residing in Tripura, as the indigenous groups felt increasingly marginalized in their own land.

The 1971 Bangladesh Liberation War further exacerbated the situation in Tripura. The conflict led to a massive influx of refugees from East Pakistan (now Bangladesh), with around 1.4 million individuals crossing into Tripura to escape the violence and chaos. This sudden surge in population effectively doubled Tripura’s population from 1.4 million to about 2.9 million, placing enormous strain on the state’s resources, infrastructure, and social services.

The resulting demographic changes and the influx of refugees not only heightened competition for scarce resources but also intensified existing ethnic conflicts, leading to a complex socio-political landscape that continues to impact Tripura to this day.

North East

Cultural and Political Impacts

Bengali dominance led to the recognition of Bengali as an official language (1979), marginalizing Kokborok-speaking tribes. The Communist Party of India (Marxist), ruling Tripura (1978–1988, 1993–2018), prioritized migrant rehabilitation, often at tribal expense. The BJP’s rise (2018–present) has pushed tribal welfare but failed to resolve land disputes.

Impacts on Meghalaya

Demographic and Social Changes

Meghalaya, which was previously a part of Assam until it gained statehood in 1972, has experienced significant demographic changes over the decades. The population of Meghalaya surged from approximately 606,000 in 1951 to an impressive 2.97 million by the year 2011. This growth can be partly attributed to the inflow of Bengali Hindu and Chakma communities, which collectively contributed around 15% to the overall population increase, as noted in the Census of 2011.

Historically, the indigenous Khasi and Garo tribes constituted a dominant majority of the state’s population, accounting for 80% of residents. However, this figure has declined to about 65%, primarily due to various factors including land encroachment in key regions such as Shillong and the Jaintia Hills. These areas have seen significant pressures from external demographic shifts, leading to concerns about the preservation of indigenous land and culture.

The geopolitical landscape of the region was further altered following the Bangladesh Liberation War in 1971, which resulted in a substantial influx of refugees into Meghalaya. An estimated 200,000 individuals crossed into Indian territory, with around 50,000 of them choosing to settle permanently in Meghalaya. This sudden increase in population stirred social tensions and heightened competition for resources, particularly in land and employment.

In response to these demographic changes, tensions between the local Khasi and Garo tribes and the incoming populations intensified, leading to the emergence of resistance movements. One of the most prominent groups in this struggle has been the Khasi Students’ Union (KSU), which has vocally advocated for the expulsion of what they term “outsiders.”

The KSU’s demands reflect broader concerns among the indigenous communities regarding their cultural identity, access to land, and the socio-economic implications of increasing population diversity. These issues remain critical in the ongoing discourse surrounding ethnicity, identity, and belonging in Meghalaya today.

meghalaya3
Meghalaya

Political and Cultural Impacts

The Meghalaya Statehood Act, enacted in 1972, was a significant legislative measure designed to preserve and protect the unique tribal identity and cultural heritage of the indigenous populations in the state of Meghalaya.

This act was a response to the growing concerns among the local tribes about the potential dilution of their cultural identity and land rights due to the influx of migrants from other regions. However, despite the intentions behind the legislation, the state has faced challenges due to increasing numbers of migrants, which have complicated efforts to maintain the delicate balance between protecting tribal interests and accommodating those who have settled in the region.

Since the establishment of statehood, the successive governments led by the Indian National Congress and the National People’s Party (NPP) have grappled with the complex dynamics of integrating migrants while simultaneously upholding the rights and privileges of the tribal communities.

These political parties have found themselves in a difficult position, as they must navigate the demands of various stakeholders, including the indigenous population, migrant communities, and broader political pressures. This balancing act has often led to tensions and conflicts, as policy decisions can be perceived as favoring one group over another.

In recent years, particularly after the introduction of the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA) in 2019, there has been a resurgence of concerns among the tribal communities regarding their identity and rights.

The CAA, which provides a pathway to citizenship for certain groups of non-Muslim immigrants from neighboring countries, has intensified fears among the indigenous populations of Meghalaya that their lands, resources, and cultural practices may come under increased threat from unchecked migration.

As a result, there has been a growing demand for the implementation of the Inner Line Permit (ILP) system in Meghalaya, which would regulate the entry and settlement of non-indigenous people in the state.

The demand for ILP reflects the urgent and ongoing fears of the tribal communities regarding their future and the preservation of their identity. The ILP system, which already exists in other northeastern states of India, is seen as a necessary tool to safeguard the rights of indigenous people against the backdrop of demographic changes brought about by migration.

The situation in Meghalaya continues to evolve, with the interplay between tribal rights, migration, and government policies remaining a contentious and critical issue.

Impacts on Nagaland

north east1

Demographic Shifts

Nagaland, a state in northeastern India, is known for its rich cultural diversity, being home to 16 distinct Naga tribes, each with its own unique traditions, languages, and customs. The state’s population has seen significant growth over the decades, increasing from approximately 213,000 people in 1951 to an estimated 1.98 million by the 2011 census. This remarkable growth can be attributed to various factors, including natural population increase and migration.

Among the contributing factors to this population increase were the inflows of Bengali Hindus and Chakmas, which collectively accounted for around 10% of the overall growth recorded between the two census periods in 2011. These migrations have played a notable role in shaping the demographic landscape of Nagaland, particularly in urban areas.

The geopolitical context of the region has also influenced its population dynamics. Notably, the Bangladesh Liberation War in 1971 resulted in a significant influx of refugees into India, with Nagaland receiving approximately 50,000 individuals fleeing the conflict. Of these, around 10,000 refugees made Dimapur, one of Nagaland’s major cities, their home. This sudden increase in population further diversified the demographic composition of the state.

Historically, the Naga population constituted a dominant majority, representing about 95% of the total population at one time. However, over the years, this percentage has declined to approximately 85%. This shift reflects broader trends of urbanization and migration, with non-Naga communities increasingly occupying urban centers. As a result, urban areas in Nagaland have seen a growing presence of non-Naga populations, which has further altered the cultural and social dynamics of the state.

Overall, the demographic changes in Nagaland highlight the complex interplay of migration, conflict, and urbanization in shaping the state’s identity and population structure over the past several decades.

nagaland

Ethnic and Political Tensions

The Radcliffe Line indirectly fueled Naga alienation, as colonial boundaries ignored their autonomy. The Naga National Council (NNC), led by Angami Zapu Phizo, demanded independence, leading to the 1955 insurgency. Bengali and Chakma settlements in Dimapur sparked clashes, with 2,000 displaced in 1990s riots. The 2019 NRC and CAA intensified fears,

Cultural and Economic Impacts

The economic landscape of Dimapur has been significantly influenced by the dominance of Bengali traders in its markets, which has led to the marginalization of local Naga traders. This shift not only affects the livelihoods of Naga businesspeople but also raises concerns about the erosion of local economic practices and cultural identity.

The situation highlights a broader issue of economic inequality, where the influx of traders from outside the region undermines the traditional market structures that have historically supported the Naga community.

Moreover, the Hornbill Festival, an event originally intended to celebrate and showcase the rich and diverse cultural heritage of the Naga people, has come under scrutiny for its increasing commercialization.

Mahabahu Climate Logo

Critics argue that the festival, while it attracts tourism and generates revenue, risks commodifying Naga culture and traditions. This commercialization can dilute the authenticity of cultural expressions, transforming them into mere spectacles for profit rather than genuine representations of Naga identity.

Adding to these challenges is the state’s heavy reliance on central government funding, which accounts for approximately 80% of its budget in 2024. This dependency raises concerns about the autonomy of the state and its ability to make independent decisions that reflect the needs and aspirations of its people.

Critics draw parallels between this financial reliance and colonial control, suggesting that the lack of fiscal independence hinders the region’s ability to develop its own identity and governance structures.

A poignant expression of this sentiment is found in social media posts, such as those by @NagaHeritage in 2025, which lament the commercialization of Naga traditions for the sake of tourism. Such statements reflect a growing awareness and resistance among the Naga people regarding the exploitation of their culture and the need to reclaim ownership of their heritage.

As the complexities of economic pressures, cultural preservation, and autonomy continue to unfold, the Naga community faces the challenge of navigating these issues while striving to maintain their unique identity in an increasingly commercialized world.

The Colonial Conspiracy and Contemporary Challenges

The British annexation of territories in the Indian subcontinent, particularly in the northeastern region, laid the groundwork for complex socio-political dynamics that continue to influence the area today.

Following the partition of India in 1947, the Radcliffe Line was established to demarcate borders between India and Pakistan, creating a colonial framework that imposed arbitrary divisions on communities and regions. This division forced Northeast India to grapple with the repercussions of partition, leading to significant demographic changes and social tensions.

One of the most pressing issues stemming from this historical context is illegal immigration. By 2001, it was estimated that around 5 million undocumented immigrants had settled in Assam alone.

This influx has been a source of contention, as local populations often feel threatened by perceived cultural dilution and competition for resources. The situation is further complicated by environmental migration, with approximately 700,000 people relocating annually due to climate-related challenges, as reported by the UNHCR in 2024. These factors contribute to an increasingly strained socio-political landscape in the region.

In recent years, the implementation of the National Register of Citizens (NRC) and the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA) has exacerbated existing divisions within Northeast India. The NRC aims to identify and document citizens, but it has been criticized for excluding many long-standing residents, particularly among marginalized communities.

CAA3

Meanwhile, the CAA provides a pathway to citizenship for certain religious minorities from neighboring countries, which has led to accusations of discrimination and has intensified communal tensions.

Together, these developments highlight the ongoing struggles faced by the people of Northeast India as they navigate the complexities of identity, citizenship, and belonging in a region marked by historical upheaval and continuing challenges. The legacy of colonialism and partition continues to shape the socio-political landscape, resulting in deepening divisions and unresolved conflicts that require urgent attention and thoughtful resolution.

The Radcliffe Line, a colonial conspiracy, shattered Northeast India’s autonomy, thrusting Assam, Tripura, Meghalaya, and Nagaland into partition’s chaos. The betrayal by AGP and others reflects a legacy of broken promises. A nuanced refugee policy and inclusive development are vital to heal this colonial wound and honor the region’s resilient spirit.

Climate Template
References
  • Census of India, 1951, 2001, 2011.
  • Treaty of Yandabo, Wikipedia.
  • Radcliffe Line, Wikipedia.
  • Partition of Bengal (1947), Wikipedia.
  • The History of Immigration in Assam, The Indian Express, 2023.
  • UNHCR Bangladesh Report, 2024.
  • World Bank Data, 2024.
  • Assam Government Reports, 1990.
  • Tripura Government Reports, 2020.
  • @NortheastHistory, X Post, 2024-12-10.
  • @AssamMovement, X Post, 2025-03-15.
  • @TripuraVoices, X Post, 2025-02-20.

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Anjan Sarma

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